11.01.2018
Suspended sentences
Recommendation 7–4 In the absence of the availability of appropriate community-based sentencing options, suspended sentences should not be abolished.
7.136 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders may be disproportionately represented as recipients of suspended sentences compared to non-Indigenous offenders.[198]
7.137 Victoria began phasing out suspended sentences in 2011.[199] The NSW Parliament passed a Bill on 18 October 2017 to phase out suspended sentences from 2018.[200] Tasmania has also released a draft exposure Bill titled the Sentencing Amendment (Phasing Out Of Suspended Sentences) Bill 2017 which, if implemented, would also abolish suspended sentences.[201] On 19 November 2017, the Bill passed with amendments from the Tasmanian Legislative Council. The amendments prevent imposition of suspended sentences for certain offences,[202] with the Tasmanian Parliament to consider fully removing suspended sentences within two years.[203]
7.138 In the second reading of the Crimes (Sentencing Procedure) Amendment (Sentencing Options) Bill 2017, NSW Attorney General Mark Speakman noted:
there are significant problems with suspended prison sentences—44 per cent of them are unsupervised and only require offenders to be of good behaviour. … Many offenders are not receiving the supervision and programs under a suspended sentence that would compel them to address their offending behaviour in the community.
… Community safety is not just about incarceration. Imprisonment under two years is commonly not effective at bringing about medium- to long-term behaviour change that reduces reoffending. Evidence shows that community supervision and programs are far more effective at this.[204]
7.139 Stakeholders drew attention to the need to ensure that intermediate sentencing options are uniformly available before suspended sentences are phased out—with particular attention to ensuring that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in regional and remote communities are not disproportionately affected by the removal of a uniformly available sentencing option that is able to be served in the community.[205]
7.140 Queensland and WA have restrictions in relation to placing conditions on suspended sentences, including conditions requiring attendance at rehabilitation or treatment programs.[206] There are also states and territories with restrictions on the types of offences that potentially attract a suspended sentence, including SA and the NT.[207]
Issues with suspended sentences
7.141 Issues that have been identified in relation to suspended sentence regimes include their potential for net widening, their conceptually flawed nature,[208] and the potentially harsh consequences for offenders who breach them due to their ‘all or nothing’ nature.
Net widening
7.142 Research suggests that the reintroduction of suspended sentences in NSW in 1999 resulted in ‘net widening’—whereby offenders who would previously have been dealt with by way of a good behaviour bond or CSO were instead given a suspended sentence.[209] According to NSW BOCSAR, it is:
clear that suspended sentences have been used where non-custodial sanctions would otherwise have been employed. This is particularly true for CSOs in both court jurisdictions, but also for good behaviour bonds in the Higher Criminal Courts.[210]
7.143 Homeless Legal Persons’ Service (HPLS) submitted to an earlier Inquiry that net widening is particularly acute in relation to:
offences that may not warrant a term of actual imprisonment; namely, where an offender is not suitable for a community based order due to their homelessness, drug or alcohol dependence, disability, mental illness, or other chronic illness … in such circumstances, suspended sentences are the only appropriate and available option, despite the fact that the offending in question does not warrant a term of imprisonment.[211]
7.144 Despite the potential for net widening, stakeholders in this Inquiry stated that suspended sentences provide a useful sentencing option as a ‘last chance’ for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders to avoid full-time custody. There is research to support this view.[212]
7.145 In consultations and submissions, suspended sentences were emphasised by stakeholders to be particularly useful in relation to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women because they are a type of sentence that is able to be structured such that there are few reporting obligations or onerous conditions—making them more suitable for offenders with kinship and cultural obligations than other types of community-based orders. For example, Sisters Inside submitted that:
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women are at high risk of breaching community-based sentences, due to sentence obligations which are incompatible with their parenting/caring responsibilities and statutory obligations. … We support a process to identify the gaps and failures of supervised community-based sentences (including court-ordered parole). Sentencing Advisory Councils may be well-placed to undertake this review in relevant jurisdictions. Any further review must take into account the unique needs of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander women.[213]
Breach and revocation
7.146 A breach of a suspended sentence will generally require the court to reinstate the entirety of the sentence of imprisonment that was initially suspended.[214] This means that time spent in the community under a suspended sentence is generally not counted as ‘time served’ in the event of revocation, even if a considerable amount of time has passed.[215] For example, revocation occurring at 11 months of a 12 month suspended sentence would result in a total of 23 months under sentence.[216]
7.147 This quirk of suspended sentences means that the longer an offender complies fully with the conditions of his or her order, the harsher the consequences of a breach resulting in revocation of the suspended sentence. Revocation of a suspended sentence, resulting in the offender being required to serve the term in prison, may also undo any rehabilitative progress made and increase the risk of future reoffending.[217]
7.148 As noted above, academics in the US have described policy movement towards graduated sanctions as providing a more flexible and receptive range of responses than an ‘all or nothing’ approach to breaches of community-based orders.[218]
Conclusion
7.149 Suspended sentences are problematic. In particular, research has demonstrated that they have resulted in net widening while being perceived as too lenient by the public. While offering some offenders a last chance, suspended sentences can and do ‘set people up to fail’, particularly people with complex needs.[219]
7.150 Nevertheless, the removal of suspended sentences without improving access to community-based sentences is likely to lead to even greater number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders going to jail. Improving access to community-based sentences is necessary to reduce the incarceration rates of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders. Once this is addressed, consideration could safely be given to abolishing suspended sentences.
Short sentences
Recommendation 7–5 In the absence of the availability of appropriate community-based sentencing options, short sentences should not be abolished.
7.151 The ALRC adopts a similar approach to short sentences of imprisonment. That is, short sentences of imprisonment are highly problematic. However, in the absence of implementing the preceding recommendations, the abolition of short sentences is likely to be detrimental.
7.152 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders are more likely to be sentenced to short terms of imprisonment than their non-Indigenous counterparts.[220] It has been suggested that short sentences of imprisonment are not only ineffective in reducing offending but are particularly damaging to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders. Short terms of imprisonment:
- expose minor offenders to more serious offenders in prison;
- do not serve to deter offenders;[221]
- have significant negative impacts on the offender’s family, employment, housing and income;[222] and
- potentially increase the likelihood of recidivism through stigmatisation and the flow on effects of having served time in prison.[223]
7.153 Two case studies identified by Just Reinvestment (NSW) highlight some of the issues with short sentences for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander defendants:
We recently had a matter where a woman received a two month sentence for stealing $5 worth of chicken from the IGA, another where a man with an intellectual disability was given 3 weeks for breaching an AVO by making contact with his ex-partner. These are clients with drug and alcohol and mental health problems—none of which get addressed in custody in those short stints. Then there is no supervision or support on release. It doesn’t make sense.[224]
7.154 The imposition of a short term of imprisonment would appear to be inconsistent with the principle of ‘imprisonment as a last resort’ which ought to be reserved only for those offenders who represent a serious risk to the community, and for whom no other penalty is appropriate. Most Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders who receive a short sentence of imprisonment do so when convicted of minor or low-level offending.
7.155 Prisoners serving short sentences are less likely to be able to access programs or training, and in that regard, the time in prison does little to address offending behaviour or to develop skills that might later promote desistence from offending.[225] Offenders on short sentences are generally released into the community without supervision or supports to assist reintegration into the community on release.[226]
7.156 Short terms of imprisonment are costly. For example, 2002 research found that if all offenders in NSW prisons serving six months or less instead received a non-custodial penalty, the prison population would drop by about 10%, resulting in savings (at that time) of between $33m–47m per year.[227]
7.157 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders also have higher recidivism rates than non-Indigenous offenders.[228] This experience of ‘cycling’ through the system also has significant health impacts:
the high rates of repeated short-term incarceration experienced by Aboriginal people in Australia have a multitude of negative health effects for Aboriginal communities and the wider society, while achieving little in terms of increased community safety.[229]
7.158 Short terms of incarceration for female Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander offenders are particularly damaging.[230] Several stakeholders commented that a short period in prison for many women frequently triggered other significant life events that often spiralled the women back into prison. The common scenario was described as a prison term resulting in a woman losing her rental property, and subsequently having her children removed because she no longer had a residence. This then resulted in the woman turning to drugs and/or alcohol, which in turn led to further offending.
7.159 Just Reinvest NSW argue, that in NSW alone, a 90% reduction in the number of sentences of less than six months would:
cut the number of prison sentences handed down in NSW courts and the number of people coming through the prison system by almost 40%;
result in a 5% reduction in the overall prison population; and
free up approximately $30 million the government currently spends on locking up people for less than 6 months each year–not including potential savings in capital expenditure.[231]
The problem with abolishing short sentences of imprisonment
7.160 A key concern regarding the potential abolition of short sentences is the risk of sentence creep, that is, the risk that judicial officers will ultimately sentence offenders for longer periods because of a lack of alternative sentencing options, particularly in the absence of community-based sentencing alternatives.
Sentence creep
7.161 There is evidence that abolishing short sentences has the unintended consequence of increasing the length of incarceration. In 1995, WA abolished terms of imprisonment of three months or less.[232] In 2003, the WA legislature increased the threshold to six months.[233] These reforms were not accompanied by any changes to the practical availability of community-based sentencing options or diversion programs.
7.162 In 2007, the Department of Correction Services (WA) reviewed the impact of increasing the threshold for a sentence of imprisonment to six months. That report indicates that sentence creep did occur.[234] Stakeholders similarly identified sentence creep as a particular problem arising out of the abolition of sentences of less than six months in WA. A key reason for the sentence creep in WA appears to be the absence of alternative sentencing options such as appropriate community-based options.[235]
7.163 Accordingly, Sisters Inside were ‘concerned about the real possibility of ‘sentence creep’, and the likelihood that this would ‘have a disproportionate and negative effect on women.’ NAAJA submitted that:
what occurred in Western Australia was the factor of ‘sentence creep’ where sentences which ordinarily would be in terms of days, weeks and months increased to sentences of 6 months and 1 day imprisonment. In order to protect against such incursions of inflated sentences there must be clear provisions for alternatives to prison to be resourced and supported appropriately and clear provisions for imprisonment as a last result.[236]
7.164 Similarly, NATSILS submitted that:
short sentences of imprisonment should only be abolished if supported by an increase in the availability of culturally responsive diversion and rehabilitative programs. The abolition of short sentences of imprisonment cannot assist the position of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people who are in contact with the criminal justice system if the courts are not provided alternative sentencing options. It is vital that we increase the number of culturally responsive diversion and rehabilitation programs available.[237]
7.165 Jesuit Social Services suggested that:
If short sentences of imprisonment were to be abolished, there should be pre‐conditions as to the availability of a comprehensive range of community sanctions as non‐custodial alternatives to prison, with a requirement that these be uniformly available in regional and remote areas and all states and territories.[238]
7.166 A similar view was expressed by the Law Council of Australia who were ‘concerned that if short prison sentences were abolished without the introduction of uniformly available diversionary sentencing options, offenders may be sentenced to longer periods of imprisonment or forced into inappropriate alternatives’.[239] This view was shared by other stakeholders such as the Human Rights Law Centre, and ALS NSW/ACT.[240]
Judicial discretion and family violence
7.167 Another reason for opposing the abolition of short sentences put forward in submissions was that it restricted judicial discretion. NATSILS stressed that:
It is essential that judicial discretion is retained in all sentencing practices. … [J]udicial discretion is critical to ensuring that the individual circumstances of a person are taken into account, and accords with the principle of proportionality.[241]
7.168 Change the Record Coalition highlighted another potential benefit of short sentences of imprisonment:
In certain circumstances, short term sentences can serve an important community safety purpose; for example, a short prison sentence may provide sufficient time for a victim/survivor of domestic violence to extricate themselves from the circumstances surrounding the trauma, for example, by moving homes or seeking counselling or other support.[242]
7.169 A similar view was expressed by the Law Council of Australia.[243] National Family Violence Prevention Legal Services supported the retention of short sentences but noted that:
While short prison sentences might in some situations provide a brief period of safety for the victim/survivor of family violence, there needs to be increased access to programs that address the violent behaviour of perpetrators, and are delivered in community.[244]
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[198]
In NSW in 2015–16, 8.5% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander defendants found guilty were given a suspended sentence compared with 6.3% of their non-Indigenous counterparts; in Queensland 5.5% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander defendants found guilty were given a fully suspended sentence compared with 4.5% of their non-Indigenous counterparts. See Australian Bureau of Statistics, Criminal Courts, Australia, 2015-16, Cat No 4513.0 (2017) table 12; Australian Bureau of Statistics, above n 6, tables 1, 19; NSW Law Reform Commission, Sentencing, Report No 139 (2013) [7.25].
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[199]
Sentencing Advisory Council (Vic), Key Events for Sentencing in Victoria <https://goo.gl/TSWGue>.
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[200]
NSW Government, Tough and Smart Justice Reforms—Safer Communities FAQs (May 2017). NSW Law Reform Commission made a recommendation in 2013 that suspended sentences be abolished if the proposed community detention order was implemented. See NSW Law Reform Commission, Sentencing, Report No 139 (2013) rec 10.1.
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[201]
Department of Justice (Tas), Sentencing Amendment Legislation <www.justice.tas.gov.au/community-consultation/sentencing_amendment_legislation2>; Sentencing Advisory Council (Tas), Phasing out of Suspended Sentences: Final Report (2016) xiv–xix.
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[202]
See Sentencing Amendment (Phasing Out Of Suspended Sentences) Bill 2017 (Tas) schedule 1.
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[203]
Ibid cl 2(2)–2(9).
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[204]
New South Wales, Parliamentary Debates, Legislative Assembly, 11 October 2017, 1–14 (Mark Speakman).
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[205]
Legal Aid NSW, Submission 101; Law Society of New South Wales’ Young Lawyers Criminal Law Committee, Submission 98; NSW Bar Association, Submission 88.
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[206]
Queensland does not allow the court to impose conditions on a suspended sentence, other than that the offender not commit another offence punishable by imprisonment during the term of the order, see Penalties and Sentences Act 1992 (Qld) s 144(5). Western Australia’s standard suspended sentence is similar to Queensland—but with the additional option of a conditional suspended imprisonment order, which must contain at least a program, supervision or curfew requirement, however this order is not available in the Magistrates Court, see Sentencing Act 1995 (WA) ss 76–80, 81–84R.
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[207]
Sentencing Act (NT) ss 78B–78EA, 78F; Criminal Law (Sentencing) Act 1988 (SA) s 20AAC.
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[208]
NSW Law Reform Commission, Sentencing, Report No 139 (2013) [10.26]–[10.31]; NSW Sentencing Council, Suspended Sentences: A Background Report (2011) [4.3]–[4.16].
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[209]
Rohan Lulham, Don Weatherburn and Lorana Bartels, ‘The Recidivism of Offenders given Suspended Sentences: A Comparison with Full-Time Imprisonment’ (Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice Number 136, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, September 2009) 12; Patricia Menéndez and Don Weatherburn, ‘The Effect of Suspended Sentences on Imprisonment’ (Issue paper 97, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, August 2014) 1, 4–5; Lia McInnis and Craig Jones, ‘Trends in the Use of Suspended Sentences in NSW’ (Issue Paper No 47, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, May 2010) 1, 4.
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[210]
McInnis and Jones, above n 209, 4.
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[211]
Homeless Persons’ Legal Service, Submission No 3 to NSW Sentencing Council, Suspended Sentences: A Background Report (26 July 2011) 3, 8; NSW Sentencing Council, Suspended Sentences: A Background Report (2011) [4.20].
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[212]
NSW Law Reform Commission, Sentencing, Report No 139 (2013) [10.24]; Sentencing Advisory Council (Tas), Phasing out of Suspended Sentences: Final Report (2016) 13.
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[213]
Sisters Inside, Submission 119.
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[214]
Exceptions to this rule are the ACT and the Commonwealth; see Crimes (Sentencing) Act 2005 (ACT) ss 12–13; Crimes Act 1914 (Cth) ss 20–20A., although some Australian jurisdictions allow a discretionary exception to this rule in cases where it would be ‘unjust to do so’, the breach was ‘trivial’ or ‘trivial in nature’, or there are ‘good’ or ‘proper’ reasons for excusing the breach. See Crimes (Sentencing Procedure) Act 1999 (NSW) s 98; Penalties and Sentences Act 1992 (Qld) s 147; Criminal Law (Sentencing) Act 1988 (SA) s 58(3); Sentencing Act 1997 (Tas) s 27(4C); Sentencing Act 1995 (WA) s 80(3).
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[215]
See, eg, Judicial Commission of New South Wales, NSW Sentencing Bench Book [5-790]–[5-800]; NSW Law Reform Commission, Sentencing, Report No 139 (2013) [10.27].
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[216]
Legislative Council Standing Committee on Law and Justice, Parliament of NSW, Community Based Sentencing Options for Rural and Remote Areas and Disadvantaged Populations (2006) [5.107-5.115].
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[217]
See, eg, Vera Institute of Justice, The Potential of Community Corrections to Improve Safety and Reduce Incarceration (2013) 14; Lynne Vieraitis, Tomislav Kovandzic and Thomas Marvell, ‘The Criminogenic Effects of Imprisonment: Evidence from State Panel Data, 1974–2002’ (2007) 6(3) Criminology & Public Policy 589.
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[218]
Phelps and Curry, above n 177, 18.
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[219]
NSW Law Reform Commission, Sentencing, Report No 139 (2013) [10.26]–[10.30].
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[220]
Australian Bureau of Statistics, Prisoners in Australia, 2016, Cat No 4517.0 (2016) table 25. See also ch 3.
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[221]
Judy Trevana and Don Weatherburn, ‘Does the First Prison Sentence Reduce the Risk of Further Offending?’ (Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, October 2015).
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[222]
Dr T Anthony, Submission 115.
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[223]
North Australian Aboriginal Justice Agency, Submission 113.
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[224]
Just Reinvest NSW, Policy Paper: Key Proposals #1–Smarter Sentencing and Parole Law Reform (2017) prop 2.
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[225]
Mark Hughes, ‘Prison Governors: Short Sentences Do Not Work’, The Independent (20 June 2010) cited in Don Weatherburn, above n 23. See also NSW Bar Association, Submission 88.
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[226]
NSW expressly precludes prisoners serving prison terms of 6 months or less from parole supervision on release. See, eg, Crimes (Sentencing Procedure) Act 1999 (NSW) s 46. The NSW Sentencing Council has recommended repeal or amendment of s 46: NSW Sentencing Council, Abolishing Prison Sentences of 6 Months or Less (2004) 5. Other jurisdictions restrict parole to prisoners sentenced to terms over 12 months: Crimes (Sentencing) Act 2005 (ACT) s 65; Sentencing Act 1997 (NT) s 53; Criminal Law (Sentencing) Act 1988 (SA) s 32(5)(a); Sentencing Act 1991 (Vic) s 11; Sentencing Act 1995 (WA) s 89(2).
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[227]
Bronwyn Lind and Simon Eyland, ‘The Impact of Abolishing Short Prison Sentences’ (Contemporary Issues in Crime and Justice No 73, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, September 2002) 5.
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[228]
See, eg, Boris Beranger, Don Weatherburn and Steve Moffatt, ‘Reducing Indigenous Contact with the Court System’ (Bureau Brief Issue Paper No 54, NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, December 2010); Peta MacGillivray and Eileen Baldry, ‘Australian Indigenous Women’s Offending Patterns’ (Brief No 19, Indigenous Justice Clearinghouse, June 2015).
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[229]
Anthea S Krieg, ‘Aboriginal Incarceration: Health and Social Impacts’ (2006) 184(10) Medical Journal of Australia 534.
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[230]
NSW Sentencing Council, above n 226; Human Rights Law Centre and Change the Record Coalition, Over-Represented and Overlooked: The Crisis of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women’s Growing Over-Imprisonment (2017).
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[231]
Just Reinvest NSW, Policy Paper: Key Proposals #1–Smarter Sentencing and Parole Law Reform (2017) prop 2.
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[232]
Sentencing Act 1995 (WA) s 86. There are limited exceptions: See ss 86(a)–(c).
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[233]
Sentencing Legislation Amendment and Repeal Act 2003 (WA) s 33(3).
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[234]
Department of Corrective Services (WA), ‘Report on the Effects on Rates of Imprisonment Following the Sentencing Legislation Reforms of 2003’ (June 2007) 107.That finding has been questioned by the Director of NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, see Don Weatherburn, ‘Rack ’em, Pack ’Em and Stack ’Em: Decarceration in an Age of Zero Tolerance’ (2016) 28(1) Current Issues in Criminal Justice 137.
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[235]
Department of Corrective Services (WA), above n 234, 107–8.
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[236]
North Australian Aboriginal Justice Agency, Submission 113.
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[237]
National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services, Submission 109.
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[238]
Jesuit Social Services, Submission 100.
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[239]
Law Council of Australia, Submission 108.
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[240]
Human Rights Law Centre, Submission 68; Aboriginal Legal Service (NSW/ACT), Submission 63.
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[241]
National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services, Submission 109.
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[242]
Change the Record Coalition, Submission 84.
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[243]
Law Council of Australia, Submission 108.
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[244]
National Family Violence Prevention Legal Services, Submission 77.