Framing mature age and ageing

Concepts of age and ageing

2.2 The concepts of ‘old age’ and ‘ageing’ are not self-evident, but rather have different meanings according to their social and historical contexts.[1] For example, Marthe Fredvang and Professor Simon Biggs argue that age-related pensions and retirement policies have played a role in shaping understandings of old age. They note that ‘the institutionalising of age-related retirement led to a consensus on when individuals became “old”, regardless of their actual abilities’.[2] In this way, some have argued that conceptions of ageing are closely linked to workforce participation, such that ‘the life cycle of a worker has been generalized as normal aging’.[3]

2.3 Others have noted the influence of medical knowledge on how ageing is understood. Professor Sol Encel remarked that medical ideas in the late 19th and early 20th centuries categorised old age as a period of ‘senile decay’.[4] Indeed, in 1905, Sir William Onsler, an eminent physician, expressed the view that:

the ‘constructive’ or ‘anabolic’ phase of life was from 25 to 40, a golden period followed by ‘comparative uselessness’, and a further period of total uselessness after the age of 60.[5]

2.4 Public policy responses to demographic change also contribute to framing ageing in particular ways. For example, the language of the ‘crisis’ or ‘peril’ of ageing conceptualises the growing numbers of older persons as a ‘problem’ that needs to be addressed.[6] It also, according to Fredvang and Biggs, ‘rests upon the assumption that older persons are in some way separate from those who are not yet old’.[7]

2.5 The widespread adoption of a ‘productive’ or ‘active’ ageing policy agenda can be seen as one response to the ‘problem’ of ageing. An emphasis on productivity or activity implicitly contests a characterisation of ageing as a process marked by dependency and decline.[8] However, Professors Carroll L Estes, Simon Biggs and Chris Phillipson point out that these competing accounts of ageing themselves contain judgments about what it is to ‘age well’.[9] In the case of productive ageing, the ‘crisis’ of ageing is approached through the lens of economic usefulness, ‘where work and work-like activities have been presented as turning the burden of an ageing population into an asset and an opportunity’.[10]

Population ageing

2.6 Australia’s population is ageing as a result of the combination of increasing life expectancy and lower fertility levels.[11] Population ageing is also a global phenomenon. In 1950, 8% of the world’s population was 60 years or older. In 2011, this rose to 11%, and it is projected to rise to 22% by 2050.[12]

Increasing life expectancy

2.7 The life expectancy for Australians has increased significantly since the early 20th century. In 2009–2011, life expectancy at birth for males was 79.7 years and females 84.2 years.[13] Residual life expectancy (the average number of additional years that a person at a certain age can expect to live) for males aged 65 years was 19.1 years and females 22 years.[14]

2.8 By comparison, in 1901–10, the life expectancy at birth for males was 55.2 years and for females 58.8 years. Residual life expectancy for males aged 65 years was 11.3 years and females 12.9 years.[15]

2.9 The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) explains the implications of these changes in life expectancy for population ageing:

life expectancies at birth increased steadily in the first half of the century. This was partly due to the continuation of factors which improved health in the 19th Century: eradication of infectious disease, improving public hygiene and rising living standards. This is illustrated by the fact that, during this period, life expectancy at birth saw much greater gains than life expectancy at age 65, suggesting more children were surviving into adulthood, as opposed to people simply living longer …

After a relative plateau in the 1960s, life expectancy has been steadily increasing since the 1970s. This includes life expectancy at age 65, suggesting that most of these gains are through people living longer (as opposed to childhood survival). Indeed, between 1970 and 2004, reductions in mortality for the over-50s contributed 70% and 73% to the increase in male and female life expectancy respectively … Thus, increasing life expectancy is presently closely tied to population ageing.[16]

2.10 ‘Healthy life expectancy’—that is, the extent to which additional years are lived in good health—is also increasing.[17] According to the AIHW,

in 2009, at age 65, females could expect to live a further 16.1 years without requiring assistance with core activities, and males could expect another 15.2 years without requiring assistance.[18]

2.11 However, average life expectancy figures conceal important variations in life expectancy between different groups in the population. For example, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons have a significantly lower life expectancy than other Australians:

In 2005–2007, life expectancy at birth for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander males was 67.2 years, 11.5 years less than that for non-Indigenous males (78.7 years). For Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander females, life expectancy at birth was 9.7 years less than for non-Indigenous females (72.9 years and 82.6 years respectively). The lower life expectancy for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians can be attributed to a higher infant mortality rate, and a higher incidence of diseases such as diabetes mellitus, respiratory disorders, ear disease, eye disorders and some cancers.[19]

Increasing proportion of older Australians

2.12 In addition to increasing life expectancy, the proportion of older persons in the Australian population is increasing. In 2011, persons aged 45 years and older made up 39.3% of the total Australian population, up from 38.1% in 2006.[20] The proportion of the population aged 65 years and older has increased markedly since the beginning of the 20th century. In 2011, 14% of the population was aged 65 years and older. This compares with 4% in 1901.[21]

2.13 The number of persons in this age group will grow further in coming years, as the cohort of the population known as ‘Baby Boomers’ ages past 65 years.[22] The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) explains:

The first year of the Baby Boom cohort (people born in 1946) entered the 65–69 age group in 2011. Baby Boomers will entirely constitute the 65–69 group for the 2016 Census and will contribute to a larger aged population in the years to come.[23]

Diversity among mature age persons

2.14 As noted in Chapter 1, the Terms of Reference define ‘older persons’ as anyone over the age of 45 years. There is significant diversity among this age bracket. In addition to age differences, differences of gender, cultural and linguistic diversity and disability—among other things—characterise persons aged 45 years and older. This diversity affects the needs and priorities of older persons, and must be factored into policy considerations.

Gender

2.15 Gender significantly affects experiences of ageing, to the extent that some have argued that a gendered approach to ageing is required.[24] While women have a longer life expectancy than men, older women have relatively lower incomes and fewer assets than men.[25] Contributing factors to this include lower average weekly ordinary time earnings for women (a 17.4% ‘gender pay gap’ at February 2012) as well as career breaks to undertake unpaid care work.[26]

2.16 Women tend to have lower superannuation balances and retirement payouts than men. Analysis of data from the ABS Survey of Income and Housing 2009–10 shows that the average superannuation balance for men was $71,645 for men and $40,475 for women.[27] The average retirement payout in 2009–10 was $198,000 for men and $112,600 for women.[28] Approximately 60% of women aged 65–69 in 2009–10 had no superannuation.[29]

2.17 Women make up a greater proportion of Age Pension recipients. At June 2011, women comprised 56.6% of recipients.[30] Of these, 61.2% received the full rate of Age Pension.[31]

2.18 The cumulative effects of this mean that older women face the prospect of living longer with less financial security, ‘accumulating poverty’ over a lifetime.[32]

Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons

2.19 Older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons occupy an important place in their communities. They play a significant role in maintaining traditions and links to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander culture, and act as ‘role models, supporters and educators for the young’.[33]

2.20 However, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons aged 50 years and older tend to have poorer health and higher levels of socio-economic disadvantage, and lower life expectancy than the broader Australian population.[34]

2.21 The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population is relatively young when compared to the broader Australian population. In 2006, the number of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander persons aged 50 years and older represented 12% of the total Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population. By contrast, 31% of the non-Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population were aged 50 years and older in 2006.[35]

Culturally and linguistically diverse persons

2.22 In 2006, over 1.1 million persons aged 50 years and older were born in non-English speaking or culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) countries. This amounted to 19% of the total Australian population in this age group.[36] In contrast to the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population, persons born in CALD countries are relatively older than those born in Australia. In 2006, more than 42% of persons born in CALD countries were aged 50 years and older.[37]

2.23 The growth in number of mature age Australians from non-English speaking countries is faster than the growth of the older population as a whole. This is largely because of the ageing of post-war migrants who arrived as adults.[38] Older persons from CALD countries have a lower rate of participation in paid work when compared with those born in Australia and from English speaking countries.[39]

Disability

2.24 Older persons with disability include persons with disability acquired at an early age, as well as those who acquire disability with age. Rates of disability increase with age. The AIHW stated in 2011 that:

After around 50 years of age the prevalence of disability rose considerably, from 20% in the 50–54 years age group to more than 80% among people aged 85 years or over. Rates of severe or profound core activity limitations were even more strongly associated with ageing. This degree of disability was reported for fewer than one in 20 Australians up to the age of 55 years (excluding the peak in boys aged 10–14 years), but almost one-third of people aged 75 years or over.[40]

2.25 The number of older persons with disability as a proportion of the total number of persons with disability is likely to increase with population ageing:

In addition to an increase in disability overall, population ageing changes the composition of the population with disability. In 1981, 10% of all Australians with disability were aged under 15 years and 31% were 65 years or older; in 2009, 7% of the population with disability were aged 0–14 years and 39% were 65 years or over. If this continues, the mix of services and support required by older people with disability will need to increase, relative to those required by younger people.[41]

Where do older persons live?

2.26 Within Australia, Tasmania and South Australia have relatively older populations.[42] At 30 June 2012, Tasmania’s median age was 40.9 years.[43] South Australia had the second oldest median age, at 39.7 years.[44] In contrast, the median age of the Australian population was 37.4 years, up 4.7 years from 32.7 years at 30 June 1992.[45]

2.27 In 2011, Tasmania had the highest proportion of people aged 65 years and over (16.1%), followed by South Australia (15.9%). The Northern Territory had the lowest proportion of persons in this age group (5.5%).[46]

2.28 The age profile of populations in capital cities is younger than other areas. In 2010, almost one in three (31%) persons living in capital cities were aged 20–39, compared to one in four (25%) persons living in other areas’.[47] The ageing of regions outside capital cities is projected to continue. According to the ABS:

In the non-capital city areas of New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia and Tasmania, it is projected that by 2056 there will be less than two people of working age for every person aged 65 years and over. In contrast, capital cities such as Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Perth are projected to have considerably younger populations with around three people of working age for every one aged 65 years and over.[48]

[1] M Fredvang and S Biggs, The Rights of Older Persons: Protection and Gaps Under Human Rights Law (2012), Brotherhood of St Laurence and University of Melbourne Centre for Public Policy Social Policy Working Paper 16, 6.

[2] Ibid.

[3] B Brents, ‘Policy Intellectuals, Class Struggle and the Construction of Old Age: The Creation of the Social Security Act of 1935’ (1986) 23 Social Science and Medicine 1251, 1252; and see S Encel, ‘Retirement Ages and Pension Ages–A Complex History’ (1996) Social Security Journal 3, 7.

[4] S Encel, ‘Retirement Ages and Pension Ages–A Complex History’ (1996) Social Security Journal 3, 8.

[5] Cited in Ibid, 8.

[6] See, eg, World Bank, Averting the Old Age Crisis (1994); World Economic Forum, Global Agenda Council on Ageing Society, Global Population Ageing: Peril or Promise? (2011).

[7] M Fredvang and S Biggs, The Rights of Older Persons: Protection and Gaps Under Human Rights Law (2012), Brotherhood of St Laurence and University of Melbourne Centre for Public Policy Social Policy Working Paper 16, 6.

[8] C Estes, S Biggs and C Phillipson, Social Theory, Social Policy and Ageing: A Critical Introduction (2003), 67.

[9] Ibid, 67–68.

[10] Ibid, 71.

[11] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Reflecting a Nation: Stories from the 2011 Census, 2012–2013: Who are Australia’s Older People? Cat No 2071.0 (2012).

[12] World Economic Forum, Global Agenda Council on Ageing Society, Global Population Ageing: Peril or Promise? (2011), 5.

[13] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Gender Indicators, Australia, Cat No 4125.0 (2013).

[14] Ibid.

[15] Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Australian Trends in Life Expectancy (2012) <www.aihw.gov.au/australian-trends-in-life-expectancy> at 21 March 2013.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Australia’s Health 2012 (2012) <www.aihw.gov.au> at 21 March 2013, 82.

[18] Ibid.

[19] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Gender Indicators, Australia, Cat No 4125.0 (2013). See also Australian Bureau of Statistics, Experimental Life Tables for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians, Australia, 2005–2007, Cat No 3302.0.55.003 (2009).

[20] Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2011 Census QuickStats <www.censusdata.abs.gov.au/census_services/
getproduct/census/2011/quickstat/0?opendocument&navpos=95> at 21 March 2013.

[21] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Reflecting a Nation: Stories from the 2011 Census, 2012–2013: Who are Australia’s Older People? Cat No 2071.0 (2012).

[22] Baby Boomers are those persons born between 1946 and 1966: Australian Bureau of Statistics, Reflecting a Nation: Stories from the 2011 Census, 2012–2013: 100 Years of Australian Lives—Population, Cat No 2071.0 (2012).

[23] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Reflecting a Nation: Stories from the 2011 Census, 2012–2013: Who are Australia’s Older People? Cat No 2071.0 (2012).

[24] Older Women’s Network NSW Inc, Submission 26; The Premier’s Council for Women South Australia, Submission 13; United Nations Population Fund and HelpAge International, Ageing in the Twenty-First Century: A Celebration and a Challenge (2012).

[25] Australian Human Rights Commission, Accumulating Poverty? Women’s Experiences of Inequality Over the Lifecycle (2009), 7.

[26] Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Agency, Gender Pay Gap Statistics (2012).

[27] R Clare, Developments in the Level and Distribution of Retirement Savings, Association of Superannuation Funds of Australia Research Paper (2011), 3.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] FaHCSIA, Income Support Customers: A Statistical Overview 2011 (2012), 6.

[31] Ibid.

[32] Australian Human Rights Commission, Accumulating Poverty? Women’s Experiences of Inequality Over the Lifecycle (2009).

[33] Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander People Cat No IHW 44 (2011), 1.

[34] Ibid, v.

[35] Ibid, 2.

[36] National Seniors Australia Productive Ageing Centre, The Ageing Experience of Australians from Migrant Backgrounds (2011), 11.

[37] Ibid.

[38] Social Policy Research Centre, Supporting Older People from Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Backgrounds, Report Briefing 4 (2010).

[39] National Seniors Australia Productive Ageing Centre, The Ageing Experience of Australians from Migrant Backgrounds (2011), 22.

[40] Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Australia’s Welfare 2011 (2011), 11.

[41] Ibid, 12.

[42] The Government of South Australia highlighted South Australia’s ageing workforce in its submission: Government of South Australia, Submission 30.

[43] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Demographic Statistics, Jun 2012, Cat No 3101.0 (2012).

[44] Ibid.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Population by Age and Sex, Regions of Australia, 2011, Cat No 3235.0 (2012).

[47] Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, Australia’s Welfare 2011 (2011), 23.

[48] Australian Bureau of Statistics, Australian Social Trends, March 2009, Cat No 4102.0 (2009).